Greek Homosexuality, continued

Greek Homosexualities elsewhere in the ancient Greek world.    Yet Davidson writes, “[T]here was plenty of gay sex in antiquity that did not involve all the song and dance associated with erōs in Athens.    We can even assume that there was plenty of homo-love and homo-besottedness [falling-in-love] that was less formal and conspicuous.”88    Casual, informal and ordinary kinds of homosexual love and lust must always have existed “off the radar,” besides those forms known from pottery and literature (just as Egyptologist R. B. Parkinson wrote that this must have been the case in ancient Egypt89).    Such expressions of passion included relationships between the lowly Greek vase-painters themselves, and between Striplings who pleasured each other on the slopes of Mount Lycabettus (NE of Athens), and with Macedonian soldiers who took boy-lovers along with them on expeditions.90    In fact, in looking at the historical records, one is amazed at the diversity which marked homosexuality in the larger Greek world―as is further suggested by the examples given below:  

MYCENAE was a much earlier major city and civilization, in the second millennium BC, centered ca. 30 miles S of Corinth.    One legendary pair there included Orestes (the son of Agamemnon, who fought at Troy), who murdered his mother and her lover for killing his father, and Pylades—whom the Athenian playwright Euripedes (5th century BC) described as “a pair of brothers in loving affection but not born brothers.”91    Pylades eventually married Electra; but later when Iphigeneia offers to spare Orestes’ life if she can sacrifice his companion, Pylades, Orestes offers his own life instead, telling her that “his life means as much to me as my own.”    In turn, Pylades wants to die and be burned along with Orestes on the pyre (Euripedes, Iphigeneia Among the Taurians, esp. lines 498, 72, 608).92    Later Orestes and Pylades will be honored especially as heroes in Sparta.93    Another location of interest is CRETE, a large island located ca. 65 miles SE of Greece, where homosexual traditions also appeared earlier, in the second millennium BC (cf. the “Chieftain Cup”94).    Davidson holds that the famous abduction ritual here marked not so much a coming of age as a path leading to homosexual marriage.95    The boy was probably a Stripling, his abductor a couple of years older and a member of a Men’s House, and his “friends” actually the boy’s adult fan-club and guard of honor, who must approve of a suitor and who then accompanied the couple on their two-month trip into the “country,” to assure that the boy was not ‘forced.’96     After returning to the Men’s House, the abductor then publicly kissed the boy; and the boy gave him a bronze cup as a symbol of his love and loyalty.97    Plato speaks of homosexuality as a defining feature of this island (Plato, Laws 636b-d, 835e-842a), and Aristotle held that the Cretan lawgiver instituted same-sex “intercourse [homilia]” as a means of population control (Aristotle, Politics 1272a).98    These “Famed” youths and their yokemates then formed a special group of beautiful champions who fought in the Cretan army.99    Later, in the 8th century, SPARTA was an important city-state situated in southern Greece, ca. 65 miles S of Corinth.    The Spartans also differentiated between the Under-Eighteens, the Striplings or “Sturdy Boys,” and Male adults or “Bloomers” (Twenties and older).    Plutarch notes that the boys were put into herds, sometimes as young as 7, where they played on sports teams; then at 12, they slept together by gang and by company.100    When it was time for the boys to marry, at their “bodily peak” (Lycurgus), all the boys and girls were put into a dark building and whichever girl a boy laid hold of would later become his wife—although males might go for years sleeping in their barracks and only infrequently visiting their wives at night.101    What was a scandal to the Athenians was probably that in Sparta Twenties and over could visit where the Under-Eighteen boys camped and associate with them.102    Xenophon explains how the youths had one cloak which they wore throughout the year, even in summer.    These Boys 12-20 went nude except for their cloaks, which they never took off.103    Yet, even if a worthy gentleman rolled around with a Boy ‘wrapped up like a present,’ one can expect that this offered little protection.104    In fact, Cicero (106-43 BC) wrote that the Spartans permitted everything apart from stuprum (seduction, rape, violation, disgrace105).    In fact, the Greek word lakonizein, meaning “to do it in the Spartan way,” referred to anal intercourse.106 

ELIS, a city located ca. 75 miles W of Corinth in the region of Achaea, was not as famous as Athens, Sparta or Thebes, but it was a large, wealthy Greek community.107    There were no “complex manners” nor “pursuit” in Elean Homosexuality, but it was “easy,” because they “aren’t clever at talking” (so Pausanias, in Philo’s Symposium 182b Davidson).    Xenophon called what they did “utterly reprehensible”—which might refer to the Elean battalion with 150 pairs of lovers (apparently organized like the Theban Sacred Band), who fought and “slept together” (Xenophon, Hellenica 7.4,13).108    Yet, Davidson notes also that in Plato’s Phaedo, during the last hours of Socrates (399 BC) in jail in Athens, he is attended by Phaedo, a former male prostitute from Elis, who as a war-captive was forced to “sit in a cubicle” in Athens, but then Socrates turned him to philosophy instead.109    So, maybe the reprehensible homosexual custom in Elis was male prostitution.110    THERA was a city-state located on the island of Santorini, ca. 125 miles E of the southern tip of Greece.    Here boys dating back to the 7th century cut inscriptions in deep letters on the mountainside at a sacred sacrificing site.    Some are just names, while others record, e.g., that so-and-so “is in love with [eratai] Phanocles.”    Often oiphe appears, meaning “to jack off, ejaculate,” as in “Crimon oiphes Amotion” or simply “Euponos oiphed.”    Also scribbled is the notation, “Yes, by [Apollo] Delphinios, Crimon here oiphed [so-and-so] . . . , son of Bathycles, brother,” using the term “brother” to refer to his same-sex partner.111    Davidson believes that the inhabitants of Thera probably imported Spartan homosexuality with cloaks along with other Spartan institutions.112    SAMOS was an island off the W coast of Asia Minor (now Turkey).    Three significant male poets appeared here in the 6th century BC, including Alcaeus, an independent aristocrat, and two poorer successors who ‘sang for their supper’ at the court of tyrants of Samos.    Ibycus from southern Italy earned the title “the most crazy about boys”—although Cicero wrote that “the loves of [all] these three were lustful.”113    Little remains of Ibycus’s poetry;114 but one clever fragment survives from his successor, Anacreon (who came from near Ephesus), combining the genitive, dative and accusative cases in: “With Cleopulou I’m in love, for Cleopulo I am mad, at Cleopulon I stare” (frag. 359).115    The long-haired Smerdies and the reed-playing Bathyllus look like “toyboys” at the court of Polycrates, a tyrant of Samos.116    Samos in the archaic period (800-500 BC) must have been “quite a place,” writes Davidson.117 

THEBES was a city located ca. 30 miles N of Athens, in the region of Boeotia, and it was considered almost as bad as Elis (Plato, Symposium 182b).    Here males were joined together in a “yoked pair” (syzygy), in same-sex marriages.    A Theban named Pammenes (according to Plutarch) argued that a band of soldiers held together by love (erōs) would avoid anything on the battlefield to feel ashamed in front of one’s beloved.    So it was with the Sacred Band (Hieros Lochos),118 described at length by Plutarch (ca. 46-ca. 120), which was made up 150 pairs of the best erastai and their erōmenoi, who fought valiantly and successfully for forty years until they were wiped out by Alexander the Great at the Battle of Chaeronea in 338.119    The Theban erastai gave armor and weapons to their beloveds when they reached adulthood (either at 18 or 20).    Perhaps the Athenians were scandalized partly because the Theban Band deployed Eighteens and Nineteens alongside bearded men.120    Yet, the prototype for this Sacred Band appeared a few decades earlier with a battalion of 300 front-row champions known as “reins-holders” and “standers-by,” who fought at the battle of Delium in 424 BC, although these warriors fought on foot and not in chariots.121    THESSALY, the homeland of Achilles, was a region that lay NW of Athens in central Greece.122    One famous ruler, Meno III, who at the end of the 5th century led an expedition of the “Ten Thousand” mercenaries on an ill-fated Persian campaign, even sounded so “good-looking” that a blind man would notice him (so said Socrates).    Xenophon later noted that Tharypas, Meno’s favorite (paidika), had a beard while Meno did not; and the historian further complained that Meno surrounded himself with handsome Striplings, as well as associating with Misgolas, who was accompanied by handsome cithara-boys.    In other words, both Meno and Misgolas were “rampant homosexuals,” whose “lust is contrasted with the honourable hopeless devotions of Greek love, which Xenophon had trumpeted” (Davidson).123    Tharypas appears to have been a boy-king of the Molossians (residents of Epirus, a region located to the W of Thessaly in Greece), who went to Athens to study; and then wanting to be fully ‘Greek’ he became the boyfriend of Meno, even though Meno was younger, a Stripling or in his early twenties, when he went off to Persia.124    MACEDON (Macedonia) was located N of Thessaly, and was the home of Philip II (382-336 BC) and his son Alexander the Great (356-323 BC).    Philip took Pausanias (I) as his “intimate friend,” then discarded him for Pausanias (II), who mocked the first lover by calling him “effeminate” and “a whore.”    A friend of Pausanias I then arranged to have Pausanias II gang-raped by mule-drivers.    When Pausanias II complained to the king, Philip did nothing; so eventually the assaulted and insulted lover took his revenge by assassinating the king (Diodorus Siculus 16.3-94).125    The kings of Macedon, descended from Heracles, seem to have institutionalized boyfriends.    These so-called Iolidae were young Striplings who served as the king’s wine tasters and pourers, then later as his “deputies” or seconds-in-command, a tradition probably going back to the 5th century.126    Moreover, Philip established a special corps called the Royal Boys, an elite group of Striplings (pictured in the royal Macedonian tombs) who guarded the royal bedchamber and accompanied the king on hunts and to war.    This corps seems to have led to many intense homosexual relationships and intrigues.127    Also, Theopompus noted that Macedonian courtiers “took around with them two or three male prostitutes and they served others in the same capacity.”    What stands out about Macedonian Homosexuality is its great variety.128 

Alexander and Hephaestion.    Athenaeus, a Greek anthologist (ca. 200 AD), summed up what he had gleaned from his reading by saying that “Alexander was insanely fond of boys” (Davidson).129    The main erotic interest in Alexander’s later life was the handsome Persian eunuch Bagoas, who was among the gifts which Narbazanes, Darius’s chiliarch (second-in-command), gave to Alexander to win his favor.130    As Curtius (Historiae Alexandri 6.5.22-23) notes, Bagoas was “a eunuch of exceptional appearance and in the very flower of boyhood, with whom Darius had had a relationship, and with whom Alexander soon had one . . . .”131    When Alexander saw Bagoas, his beauty “took Alexander’s breath away” (Worthington).132    Then, Plutarch tells us, “When Alexander arrived at the palace of Gedrosia, he restored the army with a festival.   It is said he got drunk and watched choral competitions.    His beloved [erōmenon] Bagoas won in the dancing and he traversed the theater in his costume and sat down beside him.    Seeing this, the Macedonians applauded and shouted out, bidding Alexander kiss him, until he embraced him and kissed him deeply” (Plutarch, Alexander 67.8).133    Or, adding another source, Alexander “was so enthralled with the eunuch Bagoas that in the view of the entire theatre he bent back and kissed him deeply, and when the audience shouted approval and applauded, he did as they bid and bent back and kissed him again” (Athenaeus 603b, incorporating Dicaearchus F23 Wehrli).134 

Yet, the primary love of Alexander’s life was Hephaestion, son of Amyntor,135 who was one of his father’s Royal Boys, was striking as a youth, and was about the same age as Alexander,136 although perhaps a year older.137    Curtius (3.12.16) relates how Alexander and Hephaestion were brought up together, while other sources report on numerous sexual relationships that developed among the Macedonian Royal Pages138 at the palace boys’ school where upper class youths were trained to become military officers.139    Hephaestion was “by far the dearest of all the king’s friends; he had been brought up with Alexander and shared all his secrets” (Curtius 3.12.17); and their partnership would endure through all the later hardships of Alexander’s ten-year campaign in Asia.     Although none of the ancient sources state outright that Alexander and Hephaestion were lovers, Arrian (1.12.1) describes an occasion in 334 when they publicly identified themselves with Achilles and Patroclus, who in turn were acknowledged to have been lovers by Plato, Aeschylus, and others.    When Alexander arrived in Troy, he laid a wreath on the tomb of Achilles, after which Hephaestion laid a wreath on the tomb of Patroclus; and then the two ran a foot race, naked and oiled in the traditional fashion, to honor their dead heroes (Aelian [Claudius Aelianus], Varia Historia 12.7; Arrian, Anabasis Alexandri 1.2).    In fact, the Iliad was Alexander’s favorite literary work.140    Robin Lane Fox calls this “a remarkable tribute” and adds, “Already the two were intimate, Patroclus and Achilles even to those around them; [and] the comparison would remain to the end of their days and is proof of their life as lovers . . . .”141    Of course, Alexander and Hephaestion grew up in a time and place where homosexual affairs were viewed as perfectly normal, although the pattern varied from place to place.    Diogenes the Cynic, of Sinope, who came to Athens from Asia Minor and lived naked in a large tub in self-imposed poverty, wrote a letter to Alexander when he was a grown man, in which he accused Alexander of being “ruled by Hephaestion’s thighs [genitals]” (Diogenes, Epistles 24), which points to Hephaestion being Alexander’s erōmenos (Reames-Zimmerman).    Hephaestion once wrote to Olympias, Alexander’s mother, saying “you know that Alexander means more to us [me] than anything” (Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheke Historike 17.114.3); and Arrian (7.14.50) wrote that Alexander, after Hephaestion’s death, described him as “the friend I valued as my own life.”142

It was unexpectedly at Hamadan in 324, during a festival celebration, that Hephaestion developed a fever which turned into typhoid; and in a week he was dead.    Then, Lane Fox writes, Alexander’s “grief was as uncontrolled as the rumors of it . . . .    Some said he lay day and night on the body, refusing to be torn away; others that he hanged the doctor for negligence and ordered a local temple to the god of healing [Asclepius] to be destroyed in mourning.    Certainly, he refused to eat or drink for three days after the event . . . .”    Also, he also cut his own hair and clipped off the tails and manes of the horses in camp, which had a Persian precedent, but more tellingly recalled the hair Achilles and his companions cut off to honor Patroclus (Iliad 23.133-136).    Alexander felt the loss of Hephaestion’s love more than anything else in his career.143    Alexander’s extravagant mourning for Hephaestion is mentioned in a number of sources, and Arrian (7.14.4) and Aelian (7.8) explicitly compare it with Achilles’ mourning for Patroclus.    Justin (Historiae Philippicae 12.12.11) wrote that Hephaestion was dear to Alexander because of his “beauty,” “boyishness,” and “services,” the last of which could have included sex.144    In all that Alexander undertook on his Eastern journeys, Hephaestion was always by his side; and Alexander displayed an unfailing trust in and reliance on him.    At the time of his death, Hephaestion held the highest title under Alexander, chiliarch (grand vizier), having recently taken over as sole commander of the Companion Cavalry.145    Davidson notes that modern historians tend to “trivialize” Hephaestion serving as Alexander’s Second:    He “may have been no great warrior, but Alexander was warrior enough.”    Hephaestion’s great service probably focused on the complex tasks of organization and administration.146    One cannot help but wonder if Jonathan in the Bible had only lived to serve devotedly at David’s side as his mishneh (“second [in command],” 1 Sam 23:17d) whether he might also have played a singularly trusted and invaluable role in helping David during his often troubled reign. 

Alexander had at least four sexual relationships with males during his life, with: (1) Hephaestion, whom “Alexander loved most of all” (Plutarch, Alexander 47.9-12); (2) Bagoas, the beautiful Persian eunuch; and most likely also (3) Excipinos, a pretty boy (probably a Page) who caught Alexander’s eye and became a kind of replacement for Hephaestion;147 and (4) Hector, of whom Alexander was very fond and for whom he gave a magnificent funeral when the boy drowned.148    Yet at the same time, Alexander had as many significant sexual relationships with women, including: (1) Barsine, daughter of the Persian noble Artabazus, which lasted for at least 5 years and produced Alexander’s first child that we know of, Heracles;149 (2) Roxane, the captive Bactrian noblewoman, who after Alexander’s death finally gave birth to the future Alexander IV; (3) Barsine, later named Stateira, the eldest daughter of the overthrown Persian king Darius III; and (4) Parysatis, the youngest daughter of the former Persian king Artaxerxes III Ochus―the last two taken as part of the mass marriages Alexander organized in 324 for over ninety of his companions with Persian noblewomen at Susa.    Royal polygamy characterized both the Persian and Macedonian courts.150    Yet, all of Alexander’s marriages no doubt advanced certain political goals: his marriage with Barsine I may have been offered as a conciliatory gesture to the Persian aristocracy, and his union with Roxane to honor the country of Bactria.    The Susa marriages expressed Alexander’s claim to be the successor to both Achaemenid kings, with a desire to integrate the Macedonian and Persian nobilities.151    Also, in the mass marriages of 324, Alexander gave Hephaestion Darius’s younger daughter (Drypetis) as his wife, because Alexander wanted Hephaestion’s children to be his own nephews and nieces―a “rare and timely insight into the bond between the two men” (Lane Fox).152 

So, was Alexander “gay,” as Davidson calls him?153    Reames-Zimmerman notes that he seems to “have comfortably pursued both sexes,”154 and Worthington notes that “bisexuality was normal for all the Greeks.”155    Still, at Hephaestion’s death the two had been bosom friends for 19 years, had lived in close quarters on the campaign, and had seen one another daily when not away on independent missions.    In terms of affectional attachment, Hephaestion―and not any of Alexander’s four wives―was the king’s life partner.    They were probably intimate at some point, although maybe not in the later years.    Greek philia could include a sexual component, but extended far beyond that, or an “intense friendship” could just develop a sexual side at some point, with no special note made of it (Reames-Zimmerman).156 

Of course, it must be said that sexuality in the ancient Greek world differed greatly from that in ancient Israel, relating to the widespread use of bisexual customs in Greek culture, which led all or most of its male citizens (and others) to take up homosexual practices as well as heterosexual ones, along with their distinctive ethical views on all of this.    The Israelites did live in male-dominated world (like the Greeks), men in Israel could take more than one female sexual partner, and they could also visit prostitutes which the Law of Moses did not forbid; yet, when homosexual behavior appears in the Hebrew Bible, it is only in violent, degrading contexts (attempted gang-rape at Sodom and Gibeah), with the exception of the Jonathan and David story.    Yet, homosexual desire exists in every culture,157 with some individuals discovering that their primary, sometimes even exclusive, sexual passion is for members of their own sex; and so it should not come as a surprise that homosexual love surfaces at some point in the Israelite record, especially at court and among heroes, which appears so often to be the setting for this in ancient Near Eastern records, as can be seen in the Epic of Gilgamesh.    Homosexual attachments appeared in the Greek world also especially in military contexts and among soldiers.    Yet, in spite of such different worlds, in ancient Greece and Israel, comparisons can still be found in the expressions of homosexual desire in the Greek texts and in the Jonathan and David story. 

Looking back at the material just surveyed, one finds similarity in love language in such expressions as: “beloved companion/greatly beloved” (Iliad 19.315-316, 2 Sam 1:26); “delight/delighted [in]” (Iliad 19.288, 1 Sam 19:1 KJV); “brother[s]/my brother” (Euripedes and an inscription at Thera, 2 Sam 1:26); and loving someone “as my/his own life” (Iliad 18.82; 1 Sam 18:1,3, “soul” better translated here as “life”158).    Alexander also spoke of Hephaestion as “the friend I valued as my own life” (Arrian), this last phrase clearly pointing to a very unique and intense kind of love.    Sometimes weapons were given as a gift to a young beloved (at Thebes and pictured on the “Chieftain Cup,” 1 Sam 18:4).    Although we are not told of any special pledge that Achilles/Patroclus or Alexander/Hephaestion made to each other, we do know that male couples in Thebes formally bonded themselves together as a “yoked pair” (syzygy), which may be compared to the loving covenant (berit), or kind of marriage alliance, which Jonathan and David made between themselves (1 Sam 18:3).    Various texts draw attention to the special handsome features of certain males, e.g., to Achilles’ “beauty” (Plato), Patroclus’s “lovely eyes” (Iliad 23.67), and David’s “beautiful eyes” and “handsome” appearance (1 Sam 16:12 NRSV).    There is a strong reluctance to speak of intimate sexual activity between males, although explicit sexual references sometimes slip through in ambiguous code-words, e.g., in Homer’s mention of Patroclus’s manos (Iliad 24.6, spirit/spunk = semen), in Aeschylus’s reference to Achilles’ “thighs” as well as Diogenes’ reference to Hephaestion’s “thighs” (mēroi = genitals), and in the Bible in the loaded statements ou metochos ei tō (1 Sam 20:30 Septuagint Van der Pool; “you [Jonathan] are a [sexual] partner to” David) and sunteleias megalēs . . . uperebalen (1 Sam 20:41 Septuagint Van der Pool; Jonathan and David held each other until David ‘exceeded to a great finale’ = came sexually).    Alexander took multiple wives simultaneously and also had male ‘friendships’―in contrast to Jonathan and David who appear devoted only to each other during their short time together (Michal not withstanding), although David later adds even more wives and concubines than Alexander, many also for political reasons.    Jonathan, before his untimely death, envisioned himself one day becoming David’s mishneh (“second,” 1 Sam 23:17), just as Hephaestion actually was appointed by Alexander as his chiliarch (second-in-command).    Yet, it was only after the death of their partners that Achilles, David and Alexander gave expression to the true depth and character of their love.  

FOOTNOTES: 1. Cf. Monk of Malmesbury, Life of Edward II, ca. 1326, in Crompton, p. 372; Horner, pp. 18, 28-29, 37); Johansson, “Achilles,” 1, p. 8; Halpern, D., pp. 78, 83-84 and 177, n. 10; Schroer and Staubli, p. 34.    2. Cyrus H. Gordon, 1962; in Horner, p. 37.    3. Anon., “Ancient Greek Civilizations: Timeline of Aegean Political History,” and cf. “Supplement: Homosexuality in the Ancient Near East, beyond Egypt” in the Jonathan and David Series on this website.    4. Davidson, p. 101.    5. Ibid., p. 478.    6. Ibid., pp. 36, 122.    7. Ibid., p. 115.    8. Dover, Greek Homosexuality, figures B114, R243, R954.    9. Davidson, fig. 33 and pp. 344-345, 355-356.    10. Johnson and Ryan, plates 7-8; Skinner, fig. 3.17, p. 102.    11. Skinner, fig. 3.16, p. 102.    12. Reames-Zimmerman, pp. 83-84.    13. Skinner, p. 88.    14. Hupperts, p. 41.    15. Davidson, p. 466.    16. Ibid., pp. 138-139.    17. Ibid., pp. 467-468.    18. Foucault, Dits et Écrits (4 vols., 1994), 4, p. 286; quoted in Davidson, p. 139.    19. Davidson, p. 139; Boswell, 1982-1983, p. 97.    20. Davidson, p. 139.    21. Boswell 1980, p. 42, n. 3.    22. Davidson, p. 480.    23. Ibid., p. 1.    24. Hupperts, p. 30.    25. Cf. Clarke, p. 381, n. 1; Boswell 1980, p. 25, n. 44.    26. Aeschylus quoted in Davidson, p. 261.    27. Aeschylus passage, Davidson, p. 261; Plato Symposium passage, pp. 464-465.    28. Davidson, pp. 256-257.    29. Boswell 1994, p. 59, n. 25.    30. Davidson, p. 258; New Oxford American Dictionary, “spunk.”    31. Davidson, pp. 258-259, 550.    32. Skinner, p. 43.    33. Clarke, p. 393.    34. Ibid., p. 392.    35. Brown-Driver-Briggs Lexicon, na‘im, #5273, p. 653.    36. Brown-Driver-Briggs Lexicon, nephesh, #5315, p. 659.    37. Davidson, p. 69.    38. Ibid., p. 259.    39. Rieu, in Homer’s Iliad, p. ix.    40. Davidson, p. 475.    41. Ibid., p. 381.    42. Ibid., p. 475.    43. Ibid., pp. 285-286.    44. Ibid., pp. 476, 381.    45. Ibid., pp. 477, 349.    46. Ibid., pp. 457, 460, 509-510.    47. Plato, Phaedrus 256b-e, p. 533.    48. Davidson, p. 475.    49. Ibid., p. 332.    50. Ibid., p. 476.    51. Brown-Driver-Briggs Lexicon, berit, #1285, p. 136; and cf. 1 Sam 18:3; 20:8,16; 23:18.    52. Davidson, fig. 54, p. 481.    53. Ibid., pp. 479-481.    54. Ibid., pp. 72, 81.    55. Ibid., pp. 72, 74-75.    56. Cf. Ibid., p. 71.    57. Ibid., p. 78.    58. Ibid., pp. 80-81.    59. Skinner, p. 163.    60. Davidson, p. 11.    61. Ibid., pp. 12, 67.    62. Ibid., p. 13.    63. Ibid., pp. 14-15.    64. Ibid., pp. 24-26, 612.    65. Ibid., p. 67.    66. Plato, Phaedrus, pp. 531-532.    67. Davidson, pp. 38, 420-421.    68. Ibid., pp. 52-53.    69. Ibid., pp. 120-121.    70. Ibid., pp. 118-119, 60-62.    71. Ibid., pp. 418-419.    72. Ibid., p. 24.    73. Ibid., pp. 29, 31.    74. Ibid., pp. 45, 47.    75. Ibid., p. 162.    76. Ibid., p. 53.    77. Ibid., pp. 37, 115.    78. Ibid., pp. 470, 69.    79. Ibid., p. 482.    80. Ibid., p. 467.    81. Plato, Phaedrus, p. 532.    82. Davidson, pp. 87, 528.    83. Ibid., p. 88.    84. Ibid., p. 64.    85. Ibid., pp. 446-447, 451.    86. Cf. Ibid., p. 454.    87. Ibid., pp. 447-448, 453-454.    88. Ibid., p. 35.    89. Parkinson, pp. 74-76.    90. Davidson, pp. 490, 86-87.    91. Ibid., pp. 381-382.    92. Cf. Ibid., pp. 381-382.    93. Ibid., p. 473.    94. Cf. “Supplement: Homosexuality in the Ancient Near East, beyond Egypt” in the Jonathan and David Series on this website.    95. Davidson, p. 307.    96. Ibid., pp. 307, 308-310.    97. Ibid., pp. 309, 312.    98. Ibid., p. 310.    99. Ibid., pp. 313-314.    100. Ibid., pp. 316-317.    101. Ibid., p. 319.    102. Ibid., pp. 316, 327.    103. Ibid., pp. 317, 333.    104. Ibid., pp. 333, 327.    105. Ibid., p. 330; Levine’s Latin Dictionary, “stuprum.”    106. Hupperts, p. 31.    107. Davidson, p. 345.    108. Ibid., pp. 346.    109. Ibid., pp. 347-348.    110. Ibid., p. 349.    111. Ibid., pp. 334-335.    112. Ibid., p. 335.    113. Ibid., pp. 410-411.   114. Ibid., p. 411.    115. Ibid., pp. 412-413.    116. Ibid., p. 490.    117. Ibid., p. 413.    118. Ibid., pp. 349-350.    119. Ibid., pp. 349, 352.    120. Ibid., p. 350.    121. Ibid., pp. 469, 350.    122. Ibid., p. 360.    123. Ibid., pp. 361-363.    124. Ibid., pp. 363-365.    125. Cf. Ibid., pp. 366-367.    126. Ibid., p. 367.    127. Ibid., pp. 368-369.    128. Ibid., pp. 366, 379.    129. Ibid., p. 371.    130. Worthington, p. 112, 117.    131. Ogden 2009, p. 214.    132. Worthington, p. 117.    133. Ogden 2009, p. 214.    134. In Ogden 2007, pp. 80-81.    135. Davidson, p. 373; Lane Fox, p. 564.    136. Davidson, p. 375.    137. Reames-Zimmerman, p. 91.    138. Ogden 2009, p. 212; Davidson, pp. 368-369.    139. Reames-Zimmerman, p. 88.    140. Davidson, pp. 375-376; Green, P., p. 167; Hammond, p. 255.    141. Lane Fox, p. 113.    142. Reames-Zimmerman, p. 91; Anon., “Hephaestion,” Wikipedia, online p. 6.    143. Lane Fox, pp. 434-435.    144. Ogden 2007, p. 77.    145. Lane Fox, pp. 318; Green, P., p. 448.    146. Davidson, p. 378.    147. Ogden 2007, p. 79; Reames-Zimmerman, p. 92.    148. Ogden 2009, p. 210, n. 51.    149. Ogden 2009, pp. 205-206.    150. Ogden 2009, pp. 206-207; Lane Fox, p. 417.    151. Ogden 2009, p. 207.    152. Lane Fox, p. 418.    153. Davidson, pp. 371.    154. Reames-Zimmerman, p. 89.    155. Worthington, p. 117.    156. Reames-Zimmerman, pp. 93-94.    157. Aldrich, p. 7.    158. Note that nephesh in 1 Sam 18:1,3 (NRSV: “soul”) is better translated as “life” (cf. Brown-Driver-Briggs Lexicon, #5315, p. 659), as most English translations render the Hebrew word in Gen 44:30.

REFERENCES:
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Hammond, N. G. L., Alexander the Great: King, Commander and Statesman, 1981.
Hupperts, Charles, “Homosexuality in Greece and Rome,” in Robert Aldrich, ed., Gay Life and Culture: A World History, 2006, pp. 28-55.
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Schroer, Silvia, and Thomas Staubli, “Saul, David and Jonathan—The Story of a Triangle? A Contribution to the Issue of Homosexuality in the First Testament,” in Athalya Brenner, ed., Samuel and Kings, 2000, pp. 22-36.
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BIBLE TRANSLATIONS: King James Version, 1611.    New Revised Standard Version, 1989.

 

© 2009 Bruce L. Gerig


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