Introduction to Paul’s Letter to the Romans
HOMOSEXUALITY AND THE BIBLE:
Key Passages: Romans 1: 1-17
By Bruce L. Gerig
Introduction to this letter. Paul’s letter to the Romans is widely regarded
as Paul’s most significant letter. Some passages in other epistles may reach higher
emotional heights or reveal deeper intuitive insights about the Gospel, but Romans
stands above in the massiveness of its thought and the power it has released in
history through its testimony to the Gospel as “the power of God for the salvation to everyone who has faith [NIV:
‘who believes’]” (Rom 1:16,
NRSV). The early church
recognized the importance of this letter by placing it first in the NT
collection of Paul’s letters. This is also the longest and most formal of Paul’s letters. Paul does not give a
summary of his whole teaching, but instead seeks to carry forward a certain
train of thought, namely, that God’s righteousness is realized in the
believer’s life “by faith from first to last” (Rom 1:17, NIV).1
Historical situation and the date and
place of writing. Paul notes that he has preached
the Gospel “from Jerusalem all the way around to Illyricum [now Bosnia and
Croatia]” (Rom 15:19), including three great missionary journeys which are recorded
in the book of Acts. He has filled these regions, including Asia Minor (now Turkey) and
Greece, with the proclamation of the euangelion (“gospel, good news”) of Jesus Christ, and has planted vibrant churches in many
quarters. Now looking
for new territory, his gaze moves to Spain. Also, he wants to come to Rome, and hopes that
the Christians there will “assist” him on his journey westward. However, first Paul must
take the offerings he has collected in various churches to Jerusalem to aid the
poor among the saints there, which he hopes also will help unite the Jewish
Christians and the Gentile Christians (Rom 15:23-26). Paul wrote his letter to the Romans during his
three-month stay in Corinth (Acts 20:2-3), which Miller dates ca. 54-55 AD and
Moo ca. 57 AD. Gaius,
with whom he is staying (Rom 16:23), is surely the same man he baptized at
Corinth (1 Cor 1:14); and Phoebe,
whom Paul asks everyone to support in her ministry (Rom 16:1-2), was
“deaconess” or leader of the church at Cenchrea, a
port city of Corinth.2
The Roman Christians. The Jewish
community in Rome, out of which the Christian movement emerged, was of
considerable size in the first century AD. However, Emperor Claudius expelled the Jews from
Rome in 49 AD because of their rioting over Chrestus (Christ = the Messiah); and so about 8 years before Paul’s letter (Moo) a
significant number of Jews had fled from Rome. However, the fact that Priscilla and Aquila are
back in the Roman capital (Rom 16:3-4) shows that the expulsion order had been
allowed to lapse, perhaps after the death of Claudius (54 AD). However, when the Jewish
Christians began to return to Rome, they resented the fact that the Gentile
Christians had taken over running the house churches and many of the emphases
had changed, since the Gentile Christians apparently felt that it was time for
the Christian movement to move beyond its Jewish roots—at least this
scenario fits the picture we find in Paul’s letter to the Romans.3 Paul will send “mixed
signals” in his letter, as he addresses on the one hand those “who know the
law” (Rom 7:1) and lived “under the law” (6:14,15), and on the other hand he
desires to reap “a harvest among you, just as I have among the other Gentiles”
(Rom 1:13) and he refers to “you Gentiles” (11:13). Still, at the same time, he addresses his letter “To all in Rome who are loved by God and
called to be saints” (Rom 1:7).4
Literary genre and purpose. As
important as “justification by faith” is (and the fact that it is futile for
anyone to think they can make themselves righteous by their own efforts), it is
really the Gospel (the good news of God’s plan of salvation in Jesus Christ,
which the Father offers as a gift) that is the grand theme of Paul’s letter to
the Romans (Rom 1:16).5 The opening salutation (Rom
1:1-7) and closing personal greetings (Rom 16) show that this is a personal letter, although the sustained
argument that makes up the body of the letter places this in the category of a “treatise” or “tractate,” which
develops a self-contained argument of wide-ranging importance. Paul is not composing a
detached “systematic theology” here, but rather his theological discussion is
genuinely contextualized and rooted in the situation he faces in the Christian
community in Rome.6 But why write such a long,
theologically dense letter to a Christian community he had never visited
before? The answer has
a twofold basis: Paul’s own circumstances and the Roman Christians’
circumstances. Since
Paul had never personally visited Rome, this letter presents a doctrinal
introduction to his teaching, presented in a careful, nuanced and balanced
way. And as noted, he
hopes to gain their support for his future work in Spain. Relating to the Roman
Christian community, Paul wishes to try to heal the breach that has developed there
between the Jewish and Gentile factions, asking them to “receive” (accept) each
other (Rom 15:7). He
needs to change the convictions of both groups.7
Letter organization and themes. Paul’s introduction (Rom
1:1-17) in his letter to the Romans leads to its major theme, the “Gospel” which he preaches (Rom
1:16-17), which is based on justification (being made right before God judicially) by faith alone in Christ’s atoning
death (1:18–4:25, esp. 3:21-22); and then he describes the hope that believers enjoy in this
remarkable salvation (5:1–8:39). However, Paul must also defend God’s faithfulness in the Gospel, as it relates to the Jews
(9:1–11:36), and he wants to make clear the transforming power of the Gospel to change believers’ lives
(12:1–15:13). Finally,
he closes with personal matters and greetings (15:14–16:27). He will cover such topics
as the sinful state of all human beings, God’s great plan for salvation
history, what righteousness before God entails, the place of the Law of Moses,
the plight of Israel now that God turns to focus on the non-Jewish world, and
living life as a practice of worship to God.8
Rome and the church there. As Peter Lampe explains, Rome (the destination
of this letter) was the capital and largest city in the Roman Empire; and it
may have contained a million inhabitants during the first century AD and
included many languages, customs, and religions.9 During the second and first centuries BC,
foreign cults had entered the city, such as that of Hercules and of the
Anatolian Mother Goddess Cybele (Magna Mater); and Augustus during his reign
(27 BC–AD 14) restored 82 deteriorating temples in Rome along with founding
new ones.10 Richer people lived in
luxurious apartments or villas with floor heat, running water, and sewer pipes,
while the majority of the population lived in crowded brick and wood tenement
buildings, 4–5 floors high; and the higher one climbed, the smaller and
darker the dwelling rooms became. Acts 2:11 notes that there were Jews (perhaps as
well as Gentile proselytes [or converts] to Judaism) from Rome who were visiting
Jerusalem when the Holy Spirit fell at Pentecost (ca. 30 AD). However, when a growing
presence of Jewish Christians in the synagogues in Rome in the 40s stirred up
unrest, Roman officials under Emperor Claudius expelled (at least) key figures
of the inner-Jewish quarrel from Rome (49 AD), including Aquila and Prisca (or Priscilla, cf. Acts 18:2). Thereafter, Roman
Christians gathered in private homes where most members were from the lower
social strata of society and of non-Jewish descent, although they included sympathizers
of the Jewish faith. These individual congregations each had its own leader (presbyter)
and was fairly independent, although they no doubt shared written
materials and eucharistic supplies.11
Recipients acknowledged. Although Paul had never visited Rome nor met with
the Christian house churches there (Rom 15:23-24), he knew quite a number of
members there, probably having met them in other cities and congregations,
since the Pax Romana (Roman
Peace) had made travel around the Mediterranean comparatively safe. More than one interpreter
has advised looking at the last chapter (16) of Paul’s letter to the Romans before
reading the rest of the text.
Peter Oakes notes that these house churches were necessarily small in
size because typical apartments in Rome were small and badly lit. The prevalence of Greek
names in this chapter points to most members being either immigrants or slaves
(or freed slaves, or their descendents). In fact, references to the “family of Aristobulus” (16:10, NRSV) and
to the “family of Narcissus” (16:12), which in the Greek simply reads “those of Aristobulus”
and “those of Narcissus,” suggest a slave group in each case, which met as a
kind of house church probably on the premises where they served and lived.12 Perhaps this Aristobulus was the grandson of Herod the Great (and the brother
of Herod Agrippa I), who moved to Rome in the 40s (Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 18.273–276, Jewish Wars 2.221), bringing with him
his household slaves. And
Narcissus might well be the famous freedman who came into prominence as a close
aide to Emperor Claudius and who had a household in Rome in the 50s (Juvenal, Satires 14.329–331).13 Peter Lampe believed that
there were at least 5 house churches in Rome, based on Rom 16. One of the reasons that there
was no central organization was probably because there had been no apostolic
founding here. Witherington further believes that perhaps as many as
two-thirds of the Christians here were either SLAVES, or freedpersons
who formerly had been slaves.14 Thomas Hanks notes that of
the 28 Christians in Rome mentioned in chapter 16, at least 12 and perhaps as many
26 bear names commonly held by slaves; some might have been liberated, although
their masters could still call upon them for sexual and other favors. So Paul is writing here
primarily to poorer, marginalized people. One should also remember that under Roman law
slaves were not allowed to legally marry, although they sometimes formed
informal relationships (and so lived in ‘fornication’) and bore children. Only three married couples seem
mentioned in Rom 16: Prisca and Aquila, Andronicus
and Junia, and Philologus and Julia (the first two Jewish couples)—in contrast to the rest, who appear
to be mostly single men and women.15 Therefore, in reading Rom 1, we must not forget
the oppression, injustice, and rape which slaves often
had to endure at the time—and how Paul’s off-handed reference to
homosexual behavior might relate to them, in this regards, and be received by
them.16
Sexual mores in and around Rome. A glimpse of sexual life and
popular attitudes in central and southern Italy can be glimpsed in the Latin novel
Satyricon,
probably written about 65 AD by Petronius, a courtier of Emperor Nero (ruled 54–68). This is one of the few surviving works that
describe daily and social life in intimate detail in ancient Roman times.17 Sarah Ruden notes that
most of this narrative with its “raw humor” takes place around the Bay of
Naples (about 100 miles south of Rome) and that the stories fit the time of
Nero very well.18 The main characters are Encolpius (the narrator), Asclytos, and Giton, the first two being vagabond youths in their
twenties and the last a curly-haired, good-looking but effeminate boy around
the age of sixteen, with whom the other two are infatuated.19 As the story opens, the two older youths
have both lost their way trying to get back to their temporary lodging. While searching for it, an old
woman tries to steer Encolpius into her brothel20, while a “fatherly type” takes out some cash and tries to ‘buy’ Asycltos, who only escapes being kidnapped because he was the
stronger than his suitor.21 When
the two finally find their lodging, Encolpius learns
from Giton, his boyfriend, that Asclytos
has made a sexual advance on him, which causes Encolpius to lose his temper—although Asclytos reminds
him that he (Encolpius) was once his “bum-buddy in
the pleasure garden.”22 Later, as the three sit down to share a meal which Giton has prepared, a
loud banging is heard at the door. In comes Quartilla, a
devotee of Priapus, (the god of fertility who always
displays a huge, erect phallus) along with her entourage, begging Encolpius not to make public the rituals
which he observed earlier at her Priapus
shrine.23 Further, she tells the boys that she has ordered
that no one be admitted into their lodging while she is there, since she is
feeling a “fever.” Then
she pulls out two straps and binds Encolpius’s hands
and feet24 and a “fag” comes in and seizes Encolpius’s ‘flanks and pounds away,’ smearing him with kisses. Afterward, they all get dressed and return to the
adjacent room for dinner, and begin dozing off.25. However, Quartilla awakens
them and summons them “back to their drinking duties,” while another effeminate
man comes in, chanting: “Come, hither,
come hither, you faggots so frisky, / Come running, come prancing, come
skipping here briskly; / Come bring your soft thighs, agile bottoms, lewd
hands, / You flaccid [queeny] old eunuchs from Delian!”26—Delos
being an island associated with castration.27 When the worn-out
Encolpius begins moaning, Quartilla orders the “pansy” to change partners, so he begins wearing Asclytos out with his “kissing and humping.” Then Quartilla calls Giton to come over; and after ‘stroking his little sprout,’
she instructs him to go over and deflower her seven-year-old servant girl. Then, enflamed with lust
herself, Quartilla drags Giron
off into a side chamber to have her way with him. Only then is everyone finally allowed to go to
sleep.28
The next day Encolpius, Asclytus and Giton set off to attend a free dinner party held by the
wealthy Trimalchio, whom they at first see tossing a ball
with his long-haired slave boys, with a eunuch on either side..29 Later, at his banquet, Trimalchio
explains how he started out himself as a long-haired little boy, “our master’s favorite slave boy.”30 Of course, Trimalchio now has his own “pet slave,” whom he allows to sit on his back and ride
piggyback around in front of his guests.31 Yet later, when Trimalchio
sees a new handsome waiter enter the room, he leaves his cushion and begins
kissing him persistently, while his wife criticizes him loudly for having no
control over his libido..32 After the banquet, Encolpius and Asclytos fight
again over Gito, who decides he wants to go with Asclytos, to Encolpius’s dismay.33 Then when
Encolpius visits an art gallery, he meets the
self-proclaimed poet Eumolpus, who tells Encolpius
how in Pergamum (a city in Asia Minor) he convinced the parents of a certain
boy that he was most opposed to pederasty; but after they hired him to escort
their son to and from the gymnasium, Eumolpus lost no
time in seducing the boy again and again, until the boy only wanted more and
more sex.34 Encolpius finally finds
Giton again, who is serving unhappily as a slave at
the Bath; so he rescues him and brings him home to his lodgings. However, Eumolpus falls in love with Giton too, declaring: “I like you better than a whole bathhouse full of boys.” Eumolpus recalls how he saw a nude young man at the baths calling out for “Giton,” while “a great throng surrounded him with shy
wonder and applause,” because the man had “such an enormous load of genitalia.” Finally, however, “a Roman knight
with quite a reputation” wrapped Asclytos in his
cloak and carried him home to have him all to himself.35 So the bawdy story unfolds.
Margaret Skinner notes
that this story, which probably takes place in the harbor town of Puteoli (modern Pozzuoli), centers around
Encolpius, who already has had previous affairs with
both women and men, and now follows his stormy, pederastic
affair with Giton, showing the general “chaotic
frustrations of his sexual life.” In fact, the trio suffer “mortifying sexual
abuse at the hands of Quartilla, priestess of Priapus,” and her entourage. Sexual boundaries blur, as sometimes Encolpius sometimes is the active partner and sometimes the
passive partner; and even Ascyltos, whose sexual
equipment is prodigious, is not beyond obliging a rich old queen. Even small children are
pulled into the polymorphic (boundless) and hectic sexual activity of the
characters, who never seem able to find real meaning in
their lives.36
Exposition of Romans 1:1-17.
Paul’s opening to his
letter (Rom 1:1-7) – This
introduction displays some apprehension Paul felt in writing to Christians in a
city which he has never visited, whom he had not converted to the Lord, and
with whom he will want in the letter to mention some problems in their
community. Therefore,
he begins his letter by speaking about his divine call and authority to bring
the Gospel to Gentiles, as well as trying to establish a rapport with his
readers.
1:1 – About Paul,
the sender – Saul shifted over from his Jewish name Saul (Hebrew Sa’al, Greek Saulos) to using his
Roman name Paul (Latin Paulos) after his
contact with the Roman proconsul Sergius Paulus on
Crete (Acts 13:6-12).
He calls himself a “servant”
(doulos) of Jesus Christ, which could also mean “slave,”
although Paul would not want to suggest that this was an unwilling
attachment. Moreover,
he is an “apostle,” called and
appointed by Jesus himself to be his representative to preach the “Gospel” and to found, supervise, and
yes even discipline churches when necessary. This call came on the road to Damascus (Acts
26:12-18), where Jesus told him, “I have
appeared to you to appoint you as a servant and as a witness of what you have
seen of me [his vision of the Risen Lord here] and what I will show you [later revelations]” (vv. 16). Paul has stories to tell
here: of the coming of Jesus the Messiah, and of his own call to be the Jesus’
ambassador (Witherington).
OT prophets often called themselves “servants” of the Lord; and indeed
it is a great honor to be the servant of a great king. An “apostle” was someone sent under authority to carry out a specific
task (Witherington).
1:2 – This Gospel (God’s plan of salvation in Christ) was not
something out of the blue or created by Paul, but was something that had long
been central in the Divine plan, “promised
beforehand through . . . the prophets.” This is not just prophecy, but God ‘making good’
(fulfilling) what he had promised. One will note later how often Paul quotes from
the Hebrew Scriptures in this letter.
1:3-4 – This Gospel had to do with the sending of the Messiah
(the special anointed one), who was born “a
descendent of David” (as prophesied), and who also lived a life of “holiness” (set apart for
God) through the “Spirit of holiness” (a Hebrew expression meaning “the Holy Spirit”), which was demonstrated most
forcefully through Jesus’ “resurrection,”
showing him to the special “the Son of
God.” Many of the
Church Fathers saw in these verses a reference to the two natures of Jesus
Christ, human and divine.
1:5-6 – From Christ Saul/Paul received both “grace” (undeserved favor) and his call (“apostleship”) to minister to “the Gentiles” (non-Jews), which
includes those to whom he is now writing. “Grace” is God’s love and
the benefits that flow from that. Yet, “obedience”
should flow from real faith and commitment. The Roman Christians, like Paul, have a divine
call on their lives.
God’s love precedes his calling of people, and his love makes them
lovely and lovable.
1:7 – Paul’s greeting
proper – This letter is addressed to all the Christians in Rome, to
everyone in the household churches (in a sense, then, this is a circular
letter), including both those who are committed strongly to keeping Jewish
traditions and those who feel these are not so important now. Yet, they are all called to
be “saints” (consecrated ones), a
common term designating believers, those set apart for the Lord and to serve
him. The usual Greek chaire (“joy”) became a greeting meaning “good-day”—but
Paul’s charis (“grace,” God’s
unmerited blessing be yours) is a much richer word; and shalom (“peace”) was the traditional Jewish greeting (“be well”).
1:8-15 – Paul’s
thanksgiving and why he is writing. 1:8-10 Paul still feels like
he needs to get better acquainted, so he unburdens his heart, expressing how
much these Roman Christians mean to him. To give thanks to God for believers was
customary for Paul.
His expression that “your faith
is being reported all over the world” is exceedingly generous, even a
hyperbole. Paul says
their faith is “reported,” but not specifically what is said about it. But if one praises
believers, then if something critical needs to be said later on, it will have a
better reception.
Moreover, he tells them that he
remembers them “in my prayers at all times [i.e., repeatedly],” and he notes how he has wanted to visit them in Rome, although
his ministry in Greece and Asia Minor had kept him preoccupied.
1:11-13 – “Some
spiritual gift” does not refer to charismatic gifts (1 Cor
12), but rather to teaching and encouragement to help them grow and “become stronger” in the Lord. But then, Paul pulls back,
saying that he hopes both “you and I may be mutually encouraged by
each other’s faith.” He envisions a mutual
blessing. Yet, their
faith does need strengthening and some redirecting. But Paul does not want the Roman Christians to
think that he is coming to ‘take over.’
1:14-15 – Paul feels honored and privileged to preach the
Gospel to everyone—to “the Greeks”
(Greek-speaking persons) and “non-Greeks” (lit. “barbarians,” or non-Greek members of the human race). Hellenistic writers, like
Philo and Josephus, conceived of three
groups of people: the Jews, the
Greeks or Greek-speaking persons (including
the Romans), and the barbarians
(those living in territories beyond, e.g., to the west). “Barbarians” here (NIV: “non-Greeks”) is an interesting term, which
actually include the Jews!
Yet he reaches out to those who think themselves “wise,” in the eyes of
the world, and to those who are “foolish,” who live without pretense and in
simplicity.
1:16-17 – Theme of Paul’s letter. “I am not ashamed of the Gospel” recalls Paul’s statement in 1 Cor 1:23 about how many Greeks found the message of the
Gospel as not rising to their worldly
“wisdom” and philosophy, while the Jews viewed “Christ crucified” (the idea of a crucified Messiah) as “a stumbling block,” quite
unthinkable. Yet the
Gospel (the Good News of Jesus having paid for our sins through his death) is “the power of God for the salvation of
everyone who believes.”
For in it, “a righteousness from
God is revealed” . . . “that is by
faith from first to last” (NIV). The last phrase has also be translated as “from faith to faith” (KJV), “through faith for faith” (NRSV), “beginning in faith and ending in faith”
(REB), and “based on faith and addressed
to faith” (NJB).
Overall, the Revised English Bible reads (1989): The
Gospel “is the saving power of God for everyone who has faith—the Jew
first, but the Greek also—because in it the righteousness of God is seen
to work, beginning in faith and ending in faith, as scripture says, ‘Whoever is
justified through faith shall gain life [cf. Hab
2:4].” Yet,
Harrison notes that “justifying faith is only the
beginning of Christian life.
The same attitude should guide the believer’s continuing experience as a
child of God.” Everett
Harrison notes that SALVATION here should be thought of in the broadest terms,
including: forgiveness (of one’s
sins), justification (made right
with God in a legal sense),
reconciliation (restored to fellowship with God), sanctification (made holy before God), and redemption (bought back, freed as from slavery), and restoration (finally receiving back all
that was marred or destroyed).37
This sets the main theme
of Romans, the basis for Paul’s later arguments. Witherington
understands “from faith to faith” to mean “from the Faithful One unto
faith.” One can say,
“I have been saved,” “I am being saved,” and “I will be saved” based on this
passage. Paul preaches
an inclusive and not an exclusive Gospel. Pistis can mean
“faith” or “faithfulness.”
Habakkuk 2:4 in the Septuagint translates, “the one who is just shall live by My belief” (see Witherington’s translation, above). Yet, Paul also quotes Hab 2:4 in Gal 3:11: “Clearly
no one is justified before God by the Law, because ‘The righteous will live by
faith’” (NIV).
“The just shall live by faith” (Rom 1:17) so captured the soul of Martin
Luther that it led to the Protestant Reformation, and this became the watchword
of the Reformation.
Roman Sexuality in Paul's World
FOOTNOTES: 1. Miller, p. 223. 2. Moo, pp. 842-843;
Miller, p. 224. 3. Moo, pp. 843-844. 4. Moo,
pp. 843-845. 5. Miller, p. 225. 6. Moo, p. 846. 7. Moo, pp. 846-848. 8. Moo, pp. 348-352. 9. Lampe, pp. 855, 858. 10. Ibid., p. 856. 11. Ibid., pp. 858–859. 12. Oakes, p. 854. 13. Witherington, pp. 393-394. 14. Witherington, p. 8-10. 15. Hanks,
pp. 583–584, 604–605. 16. Hanks, p. 583. 17. Petronius, vii. 18. Ruden, p. 130. 19. Petronius, (4.97). (p. 76). 20. Ibid., (1.6-7). 21. Ibid., (1.6-8). (pp. 5-6). 22. Ibid., (1.9). (pp. 6-7). 23. Ibid., (2.17-18). (pp. 11-12). 24. Ibid., (2.19-20). (pp. 13-14). 25. Ibid., (2.21-22). (pp. 14-15). 26. Ibid., (2.23). 27. Ibid., (pp.15-16). 28. Ibid., (2.25). (pp. 16–17). 29. Ibid., (3.27). (pp. 18-19). 30. Ibid.,(3.63). (p. 47). 31.Ibid., (3.64-65). (pp. 48-49).
32.Ibid.,(3.74). (p. 57). 33.Ibid., (4.79-80). ( pp. 61-62). 34. Ibid., (4.83-87). (pp. 64-68, 71). 35. Ibid., (4.91-92). (pp. 72-73). 36. Skinner, p. 276. 37. Harrison,
p. 19.
REFERENCES:
Hanks, Thomas, “Romans,” in Deryn Guest, ed., The
Queer Bible Commentary, 2006, pp. 582-605.
Harrison, Everett F., “Romans,”
Expositor’s Bible Commentary, 10
1976, pp. 1-171.
Lampe, Peter, “Rome, City
of,” New Interpreter’s Dictionary of the
Bible, 4 2009, pp. 858-859.
Miller, D. G., “Romans,
Epistle to,” International Standard Bible
Encyclopedia, 4 1988, pp. 222-228.
Moo, Douglas, “Romans, Letter
to the,” New Interpreter’s Dictionary of
the Bible, 4 2009, pp. 841-852.
Oakes, Peter, “Rome, Church
of,” New Interpreter’s Dictionary of the
Bible, 4 2009, p. 854.
Petronius, Satyricon, translated and notes by Sarah Ruden, 2000.
Skinner, Marilyn B., Sexuality in Greek and Roman Culture,
2005.
Witherington, Ben III, Paul’s
Letter to the Romans, 2004.
BIBLE TRANSLATIONS: King James Version–American Bible Society, 1962. New International Version, 1978. New Jerusalem Bible, 1985. New Revised Standard Version, 1989. Revised English Bible, 1989.
Photo: Roman marble relief of a youth, his horse and dog, 125 CE. Hadrian's Villa, Tivoli. British Museum, London, England.
© 2012 Bruce L. Gerig
